Last update on the struggle inside, outside and against the prisons in Greece

An update on Greece's prisoners collective hunger strike, reported actions in solidarity and some other related news. Most news come from athens.indymedia.org, some mainstream media, and a few prisoners and comrades.

October:

Diverse actions such as boycottage of prison meals around greek prisons and especially in Crete, informal prisoners committees form a network of communication and coordination. They spread a letter with prisoners demands and give a deadline of three weeks for the authorities to start working on them. After these three weeks mobilizations will peak with a boycottage of prison food, starting on 3/11 and a collective hunger strike from 7/11.

In Greece, more than 13.000 individuals are imprisoned, 1/3 of them without any trial yet, in awful conditions leading to more than 50 inmates losing their lives only last year.

On 30/10 the leftist "Initiative for prisoners rights" went with motorbikes to Diavata prisons in Thessaloniki. On 30/10 also, the anarchist prisoner (accused for participation in the kidnapping of northern Greece's industrialists president) Polikarpos Georgiadis publishes an open letter on the prisoners mobilizations, making clear his disagreement with the hunger strike as having a deleterious effect on prisoners forces, creating fighters of many levels, some going on in a self-sacrifice spirit, others eating regularly etc. though stating his commitment to the prisoners struggle, "same as when he was outside" (letter can be found at http://halastor.blogspot.com/2008/10/blog-post_30.html).

November:

1/11: Lawyers association express their sympathy for the prisoners mobilizations.
2/11: Around 30 anarchists march to Volos prisons chanting and spray painting walls with slogans in solidarity to prisoners struggle.
3/11: Prison guards invade cells, harass prisoners and try to intimidate them in the face of the collective hunger strike. Riot police brigades deployed around many prisons.
3/11: Unannounced motorbike demo of dozens of anarchists to Korydallos (Athens) prisons where they chanted slogans in solidarity to prisoners struggle.
3/11: More than 8.000 prisoners boycotting prison meals.
4/11: Committe of the (left) parliament party SYN/SYRIZA meets with "minister of justice", to discuss on an institutional committe from all parliament parties on prisons.
4/11: Anarchists/Antiauthoritarians in solidarity to prisoners organize demonstration-microphonics at Kamara, Thessaloniki centre.
4/11: At the juvenile prison of Volos, prisoners threw their stuff out of the cells and denied leaving their cells to go to the prison yard.
4/11: "Conspiracy of Cells of Fire" claims responsibility for a three-day rampage against military/police targets and sends "signal of fire to the prisoners that started a prison food strike since Monday, November 3".
5/11: The president of the republic K. Papoulias speaks of the "major problem of prisons" with the typical humanitarian banalities.
5/11: Clubs of football fans such as PAOK-GATE4 and Panahaiki-NAVAJO expressed their support to the prisoners struggle.
5/11 Collective official form of complaints sent to the authorities undersigned by most of the prisoners at Diavata prison, outside Thessaloniki
6/11: Committe of the (leftist) "Initiative for prisoners rights" meets with "minister of justice" S. Hatzidakis, to negotiate on the prisoners issue.
6/11: Around 400 anarchists and revolutionaries ride with motorbikes and cars to Diavata prisons where they chanted slogans, torn down part of the barbed wire fencing and threw fireworks. The prisoners responded with slogans and howls.
6/11 Attack with fire at ruling party offices in Thessaloniki in solidarity to prisoners struggle, by the Cells of Aggresive Solidarity to Prisoners (more info at http://directactiongr.blogspot.com/)
7/11: Around 1000 prisoners on hunger strike. Less than 10 had to be tranfered to hospital.
7/11: Solidarity microphonics gathering in the market area of Chania, Crete
7/11: 98fm self-managed radio station of Athens, transmits prisoners demands and solidarity speach (http://www.radio98fm.org/home.html)
7/11: Prison guards try to intimidate prisoners in Ioannina and Diavata prisons, some transfers and night invasions in cells continue.

7/11: Solidarity demonstration-microphonics in Athens
7/11: Solidarity demonstration in Serres

7/11 Solidarity demonstration in Lamia
7/11: Prisoners demands and solidarity speach, and interview with ex-con on 1431AM, student self-managed radio station (http://www.1431am.org/)
7/11: 2 mainstream radio stations are occupied by anarchists transmitting prisoners demands and solidarity speach in Thessaloniki and Lamia
7/11: Attack with paints against the council of state in Athens in solidarity to prisoners (more info at http://directactiongr.blogspot.com/)
8/11: Solidarity demonstration in Volos (photos at http://athens.indymedia.org/front.php3?lang=el&article_id=923248)
8/11: Student unions and NGO express their sympathy to the prisoners mobilizations.

8/11: A prisoner dies in Chios prisons. More than 50 prisoners died in the greek prisons this year only.

8/11: A prisoner in hunger strike from Diavata prison, Thessaloniki, trasfered to a public hospital because his health as in danger, but returned to the prison the next day.
9/11: Three kurdish prisoners in Trikala, mainland Greece, sew their mouths in hunger strike! Another 14 will do the same the following days!
9/11: Solidarity demonstration in Lamia, afterwards police stops and harasses the demonstrators but leaves them free without charges few hours later and after lawers and friends arrived at the police station.
9/11: Arsonists set on fire 4 expensive cars in Exarchia, Athens centre and attack the offices of PASOK. Unknown person phoned to "Eleftherotipia" newspaper claiming "The arsons of luxurious cars Saturday night in Athens centre were in solidarity to the hundreds of prisoners in hunger strike, at the dungeons of the greek republic. The owners of luxurious cars should limit their rides at the northern suburbs and keep off the proletarian neighborhoods of the centre. Fire to the mansions and the cars of the riches".
9/11: 3.300 in hunger strike. In juvenile prisons the vast majority are on hunger strike.
10/11: 4.500 in hunger strike.
10/11: Delta Squat organizes a solidarity intervention, with a huge banner and leaflets at Thessaloniki centre (photos at http://athens.indymedia.org/front.php3?lang=el&article_id=923026)

10/11: Prison guards leave warm cooked food near prisoners on hunger strike (to torture them), or in other prisons invade in cells of prisoners that weren't on hunger strike but boycot prison meals and take away some food cans, later photos of these are sent to fascist media provocating the prisoners struggle!
10/11: Al. Giotopoulos and V. Tzortzatos imprisoned in Korydallos special cells for allegedly involved with "November 17" organization political prisoners, go on hunger strike in solidarity of common prisoners and denounce the role of "initiatives that speak in the name of the prisoners and get to speak with the minister of justice, covering him politically for his apathy, even if they are indeed in solidarity to them, the only one legitime to speak of the prisoners are the prisoners themselves". They state that "the only way is the common prisoners to be the only ones taking part in these committees" and that "the reason there are no prisoner insurrections is the vast dispension of drugs within the prisons".
10/11: The leftist "Initiative for prisoners rights" organizes a solidarity concert in Athens centre. A bank is set on fire in Athens centre.

11/11: Solidarity flyers appear around towns in north western Greece.
10/11: New Democracy (ruling party) offices at Halandri, Athens, burnt with an improvised gas canister device.
10/11: Kyriakoula Lymnioudi, medical attendant at Chios prisons, publishes an article at a local newspaper describing the medieval conditions of the prison.
11/11: Solidarity demonstration in Thessaloniki centre, during the march of around 800 called by most anarchist/antiauthoritarian collectives of the city and the "Initiative for prisoners rights", some surveillance cameras and bank ATMs are vandalised.
11/11: The State's council on prisons, in a special meeting suggest the discharge of 1.500 prisoners and satisfaction of some of the prisoners demands (smaller sentences, 3/5 for drug users, 12 months of pre-trial imprisonment instead of 18, 6 days off instead of 5 etc). Prisoners turn down this mockery.
11/11: 18 ANO group for social rehabilitation of toxic addicts expresses solidarity with prisoners mobilizations.

11/11: Geology students of Aristotle university (Thessaloniki) after an assembly, come with a vote in solidarity to prisoners.

11/11: Posters and communiques circulate in all major cities around the country.
11/11: Mobile microphonics moves for hours around Chania, Crete, stops at the city hall where immigrants were on hunger strike too, and at the city's prisons, where it was greeted with slogans.
11/11: Prisoners demands and solidarity speach, and interview with ex-con (replay) on 1431AM, student self-managed radio station (http://www.1431am.org/)
11/11: Around 40 anarchists attack with bottles filled with red and black paint the new offices of PASOK (opposition party) and G. Voulgarakis (ex-minister) offices in Athens centre. Two undercover policemen threatened them with their guns, but were repelled with bottles and stones. On their way back, the anarchists broke down a National bank and a Eurobank branch, a bank's van, undercover police motorbikes and a fascist bookshop of Adonis Georgiadis (LAOS right wing party member), throwing flyers in solidarity to prisoners struggle, throughout their way.
11/11: Around 10 anarchists attack the building of the ministry of press with stones and molotovs in solidarity to prisoners struggle.
11/11: More than 5.000 prisoners in hungerstrike, another 6.500 boycotting prison meals.

12/11: The "National Prisoners Committe" sends an open letter to the minister of justice: "We have started a struggle as citizens claiming our rights. Our fellow prisoners participation has overcome every hope and every previous mobilization. We want to manage our struggle ourselves. To speak in our name, with our name. We ask for our elected national prisoners committe, which are the real representatives of the prisoners, to meet with the minister. The meeting can take place in Korydallos, and we ask to help the persons of the committe be transfered there. The National Committe is: Radza Jabar (Trikala prisons), Aleksandar Kola (Trikala prisons), Abdel Halim Fatah (Trikala prisons), Vaggelis Palis (Chios prisons), Karabulea Danny (Kerkyra prisons).

12/11: Meanwhile, the (leftist) "Initiative for prisoners rights" meets again with the minister of justice who said he would come up with a new pack of measures in the following days. Justice minister also met with republic president K. Papoulias who in his turn said a new pack of nonsense. The "Initiative" announces they support the prisoners committe, and that determination, consistence and unity are needed".

12/11: More than 5.500 prisoners in hunger strike, and around 6.000 boycotting prison food. Dozens of prisoners, especially drug addicts, needed to be transfered to hospital after a week of hunger strike. Around 20 inmates sewed their mouths in Trikala and Amfissa prisons.

12/11: The "Arsonist committe for prisoner solidarity" claim responsibility for incendiary attacks against a New Democracy vehicle at Halandri (8/11), a security car at Gyzi (8/11), a police car (10/11), offices of a constructin company involved in police barracks (10/11), an Emporiki bank (10/11), a Cyprus Bank (11/11), a vehicle of "Sklavenitis" supermarkets that supplies with food the prisons (11/11), the private car of the former public order minister S. Valyrakis responsible for the repression of prison mutinies of 1995, and a government vehicle at Ambelokipi (11/11) in solidarity to prisoners struggle.

12/11: Kostas Karatsolis, Dimitris Koufontinas, Iraklis Kostaris, Vassilis Ksiros, Savvas Ksiros and Christodoulos Ksiros, all prisoners in Korydallos special prisons for involvement in November 17, express their solidarity with the prisoners struggle, and call for unity in action.

12/11: Reports around most press and internet media on the prisoners struggle and the "problem with prisons", while in the same time they describe the last wave of direct actions as an anarchist warm-up for the annual 17/11 march, where the police is expected to "get square" deploying 8.500 cops, pre-arresting suspects etc. Media try to obscure any connection among the "prison problem" and solidarity actions outside prisons.

12/11: The lawyers associations coordinative committee supports the immediate satisfaction of the prisoners demands, and ask to meet with the prime minister K. Karamanlis.

12/11: Spray painting and vandalism in solidarity actions at the Greek Embassy in London, and Moabit prison memorial in Germany.

13/11: Anarchist collectives call at solidarity demonstration at 18:00 in Propylea, Athens centre, where more than 2.000 people march. Riot-police brigades are repelled by the demonstrators with wooden sticks with flags, and spray painting slogans and leaflet distribution takes place. A car of the national television is set on fire after the march. Photos http://athens.indymedia.org/front.php3?lang=el&article_id=924567 and http://athens.indymedia.org/front.php3?lang=el&article_id=924304 and http://athens.indymedia.org/front.php3?lang=el&article_id=925702)

13/11: Microphonics solidarity demo in central Heraklion, Crete by anarchists/antiauthoritarians.

13/11: Parts of three prisoners letters published at "Ta Nea" newspaper, revealing aspects of the conditions inside prisons, such as the lack of doctors, miserable food (everyday potatos for Eleonas women prisons, after a treaty among prison authorities and potato company), toilets not functioning, only cold water available at the showers and days-off only for the management's "favorites".

13/11: A prisoner is found dead in Grevena prison. Nikolas Bardakis was in hunger strike, though the ministry of justice claims his death was not related to the hunger strike.

13/11: Solidarity demonstration in Veria, called by "Schinovatis" local antiauthoritarian group.

13/11: Chemistry students association of Crete votes for solidarity to the prisoners struggle.

13/11: Arsonists hit 5 banks and supermarkets during the night in Thessaloniki.

13/11: Greek economy minister G. Alogoskoufis is pelted with eggs in London during a speach in London School of economics by a group throwing leaflets and chanting slogans in solidarity to prisoners. On his way back to Greece, he was attacked again in the airport by a group in solidarity to prisoners throwing yoghurts at him!

14/11: The association of hospital doctors votes for solidarity to the prisoners mobilizations.

14/11: A groups claims responsibility for the arson against an ATE bank in solidarity to the prisoners and to three anarchist fugitives.

14/11: A bloggers initiative "Not in our names" calls for solidarity to the prisoners mobilizations and starts a signature petition.

14/11: Ministry of justice proposes via the mass-media a new set of measures. Prisoners aren't satisfied.

14/11: The "Alternative Lawyers Intervention of Athens" expressess its solidarity to the prisoners mobilizations and demands.

14/11: In Giannena, local students associations have voted for solidarity to prisoners, while the local prisoner solidarity assembly demonstrate outside Giannena prison during visit time, chanting slogans in solidarity to prisoners. An info-stall runs everyday in the city center.

14/11: In Arta, municipal employees tear down a banner hanged by the local Open Assembly, in solidarity to prisoners, after an open gig organized in the town center.

14/11: Athens media students association vote for solidarity to prisoners.

14/11: Legal management students association votes for solidarity to prisoners mobilizations.

14/11: Athens: "Incendiary Solidarity" claims responsibility for attacking companies cooperating with the ministry of justice and supplying prisons and several banks around Athens.

14/11: Lisbon, Portugal: Anarchist distribute solidarity flyers around the greek embassy. More info at http://anarcores.blogspot.com/2008/11/greetings-from-lisbon.html

15/11 98fm chaos radio station (self-managed) transmits solidarity speach and prisoners struggle info.

15/11: Around 20-30 people in Chios island, from a local solidarity committe and a collective from Lesvos island, climbed in a roof near the prisons with a red-black flag and got contact with prisoners. On their sight, the prisoners greeted them loudly and started breaking glass windows of the prison. The two sides chanted slogans together. Later on, a solidarity concert takes place in Chios town. Photos: http://athens.indymedia.org/front.php3?lang=el&article_id=925051 and http://athens.indymedia.org/front.php3?lang=el&article_id=927251)

15/11: Solidarity and info gathering at Naxos island by the Autonomous Initiative of Naxos with microphonics. Photos at http://athens.indymedia.org/front.php3?lang=el&article_id=925019

15/11: Common letter from the anarchist prisoners P. Georgiadis, G. Dimitrakis, G. Voutsis-Vogiatzis, on the prisoners struggle.

15/11: Anarchist prisoner P. Georgiadis gets tranfered from Ioannina to Komotini juridical prison.

15/11: A few prisoners send letters with complaints to a newspaper "Eleftheros Tipos".

16/11: Anarchists/antiauthoritarians solidarity marches to Alikarnassos and Lasithi prisons in Crete.

16/11: Info and solidarity demo at Brixton oval, London UK and walk to Brixton prison. Some photos at http://bezmotivnik.blogspot.com/2008/11/brixton.html

16/11: Minister of justice, K. Gletsos unannouncedly visits the prison of Larissa, and has a talk with prisoners on the new set of measures he will announce on the following days

16/11: Christos Tsibanis, 30 years old, hangs him self inside a toilet of Domokos prison. Fellow prisoners find his body and try to do CPR on him, while prison guards came only half an hour later, and no doctors were present. Christos is in a coma. Domokos prison was the issue of a popular TV show, bringing into light the major illegalities of the prison authorities, such as giving days-off to inmates in exchange with some "favors" connected with prison officials' illegal business outside. All this came to light after a prisoner talked to the reporters, and prison manager and guard chief were suspended.

16/11: Lisbon, Portugal - "Sunday night anarchists attacked the greek embassy in Lisbon (Portugal) with black paint-bombs. Greetings to the comrades. Solidarity to the prisoners in struggle!" (http://www.325collective.com/direct-action.html)

16/11: 5.800 prisoners in hunger strike.

17/11: More than 6.500 prisoners in hunger strike. 3 dead in Grevena, Chios and Domokos prisons. Dozens stopped consuming even water!

17/11: A prisoner named Constandinos Polidorou, communicates with a TV station denouncing the existance of "Blue Cells" of torture inside Korydallos prison, where guards were leaving inmates naked, and lowering temperature, while until 1997, inmates were tied on a marble cross, treated with drugs and water under pressure.

17/11: In some cities anarchists connect the annual November 17, 1973 anti-junta insurrection remembrance day to the prisoners struggle, calling to demonstrations.

17/11: In Nicosia, Cyprus the local group "Antiauthoritarian Autonomous Action" organizes a demonstration to the greek embassy in solidarity to the prisoners in struggle (more at http://adakiprus.blogspot.com/).

17/11: In Corfu, anarchists march to the local prison chanting slogans, while the prisoners welcome them with slogans ans setting fire to matresses and clothes.

17/11: Gathering with banners and flyers in Kozani.

17/11: Open assembly of a Citizens Initiative in Chios, on prisoner support.

17/11: 1431 AM holds a radio show on prisoners with members of the (leftist) Initiative for prisoners rights, and the "Common Action for prisoners rights" (which is formed by the "Marxist-Leninist Communist Party", "Left Refoundation", "left Anticapitalist Formation", "Workers Anti-imperialist Front", "Workers Revolutionary Party", "New Left Current", "Workers Party" and an organization self-titled "Antiauthoritarian Movement").

17/11: The (left) "Initiative for prisoners rights" publishes a petition signed by 3.000 citizens and many left politicians and celebrities "joining their voice to the prisoners".

18/11: 7.000 prisoners in hunger strike, according to the mainstream mass-media.

18/11: Solidarity march outside Korydallos prison in Athens, called by the leftit "Initiative for prisoners rights", attended by some 600 persons, mostly anarchists, that burnt a greek flag hanged outside the prison entrance, and threw fireworks. There were riot-police brigades, but demonstrators had eye-contact with prisoners inside. Prisoners made light signals, chanted slogans, set on fire clothes at their cells' windows, and demonstratores replied by setting garbadge bins on fire and chanting slogans together. There were also some live phone-calls with prisoners from people outside.

18/11: Members of the left parliament party SYN/SYRIZA visit Trikala prisons.

18/11: Greek lawyers associations denounce the justice minister on issues concerning prisons and justice in general, and ask for his replacement.

18/11: A local assembly in solidarity to prisoners, by anarchists and autonomists, occupies two radio stations in Ioannina to make known the prisoners struggle, and organizes interventions in the city centre.

18/11: A prisoner speaks live on a well known left-wing performer's (Jimmis Panousis) radio show, on the hunger strike, notes that prisoners aren't in well-maintained health, and with the hunger strike this is much worst, and asks for the minister to talk with the prisoners committee.

18/11: In Nikea, Piraeus, a prisoner gets a day-off to be present at his mother's funeral, but later the cops invade the church, hand cuff them and take them inside a police van.

18/11: In Thessaloniki, the open assembly for prisoner solidarity holds an open assembly with the people at Kamara (a central piazza).

18/11: 50-60 demonstrators attack with paint-bombs the courthouse of Thessaloniki, after a microphonics demo.

19/11: Three prisoners, two men and one woman from Diavata prisons, transfered to a public hospital after their health was in danger because of the hunger strike. The men felt better and returned to prison, the same day.

19/11: After relatives and families of prisoners meet with the minister of Macedonia-Thrace in Thessaloniki, the "Common Action for prisoners rights" (formed by the "Marxist-Leninist Communist Party", "Left Refoundation", "left Anticapitalist Formation", "Workers Anti-imperialist Front", "Workers Revolutionary Party", "New Left Current", "Workers Party" and an organization self-titled "Antiauthoritarian Movement") organizes a mobile concert from Thessaloniki centre to Diavata prison, and announces the opening of a bank account for a "prisoner solidarity fund".

19/11: City hall of Thessaloniki attacked with paints and flyers against prison appeared around it.

19/11: S. Hatzigakis, minister of justice, in his speach inside the parliament speaks of "certain non-parliamentary circles that inflame this case" and mentions that "opening the prisons to let the prisoners go is not normal, once society has its defences".

19/11: March to Larissa prisons by the (left) Antiracist Initiative of Larissa. Prisoners welcomed demonstrators chanting slogans.

19/11: Minister of justice presents the new set of measures on prisons to be discussed in the parliament is made known through the mass-media. Release of all imprisoned for minor misdemeanours (1.500 prisoners) once and for all, without bail. All imprisoned for up to 5 years, enabled for dismissal on bail, apart from serious felonies and drug related cases. Disabled and AIDS patients dismissed under certain conditions. Disciplinary charges are not added to the penal charges. One more day-off. Access to the prisons by a committe of all parliament parties, and some more minor benefits, especially for drug users, as well as: The construction of 4 new prisons and the expansion of 3 existant prisons, to "better comfort the prisoners rehabilitation".

19/11: During day time, few dozens of persons attacked the city hall of Thessaloniki with paints and spread flyers against prisons. (photos http://athens.indymedia.org/front.php3?lang=el&article_id=927020)

19/11: Dozens of prisoners taken to hospitals, because of the hunger strikes. More than 30 from Larissa prisons, another 30 from Patras prison, and 4 women from Eleonas.

19/11: Around 50-60 anarchists gather outside Patras prisons, chanting slogans and holding banners, flags and fireworks. The prisoners (more than 900 in hunger strike) greeted them with slogans and setting clothes on fire. (Photos http://patras.indymedia.org/front.php3?lang=el&article_id=2467)

20/11: The Left Radical Doctors Group announces their support to the prisoners struggle and the creation of a mobile unit to provide health care to prisoners in hunger strike.

20/11: More than 200 bloggers post, undersign and forward to the government and other institutions a text supporting prisoners mobilizations.

20/11: The brothers of Demokritos Vouvakis, found dead in Chios prisons on 8/11, raise a lawsuit against the prison authorities. The unfortunate man, was found dead of excessive drug pill consumption prescribed by the prison doctors, an incident possibly connected with threats he received against his life while in pre-trial imprisonment, something he had expressed to the prison authorities that didn't take any measures.

20/11: The "Common Action for prisoners rights" and the "National Prisoners Committee" announce the cease of the hunger strike on 21/11, after the last declarations of the minister of justice, expecting from the parliament to pass a law affirming them within 3 months. They thank "the solidarity movement, every institution, political party, and every fighter that stands by us by any means he or she selects and declare that our struggle against this human disposal centers continues". The "Common Action for prisoners" announces they stop a gathering outside the ministry because of the cease of the hungerstrike. Less than 10 persons attended anyway. Most NGOs consider the measures suggested as very limited. Meanwhile, many prisoners seem to continue the hunger strike despite the announcements.

21/11: Minister of justice, S. Hatzigakis speaks in the parliament of the measures taken, saying there will be no further reforms. Prisoners condemned for misdemeanours that have spent more than 1/5 of less than two years sentence or 1/3 for more than two years sentence, may be discharged, for this time and only. Most prisoners for drug use will be able to serve 3/5 of their sentence before being discharged under conditions. Pre-trial imprisonment is set to 12 months instead of 18 but only for some cases. One more day-off a year. Smaller disciplinary charges. Some AIDS and other diseases patients may be discharged under conditions. Nothing gets better for felony (capital crimes) offender, no possibility to buy off a long (over 5 years) sentence, even if for a misdemeanour (the case for the vast majority of prisoners). Nothing gets better for juvenile prisoners. Cumulative sentences remain. Nothing gets betters for the prisoners transfers. The prisoners committe will not be allowed to see the justice minister. S. Hatzigakis mentioned it is the first time since 1982, where the first prisoner mobilizations started, that a protest ends in a peaceful manner, through succesful dialogue and a synthesis of opinions. He added that this peaceful protest is a heritage for future situations, and that every political party and institution helped in the solution of the prison problem (sic).

21/11: Prison authorities prevent a lawyer from taking a protest letter by a client inmate in Diavata prisons, undersigned by many of the prisoners, out of the prison. They finally give him the letter after they note down the signatures.

21/11: Three detainees escape from Thiva police prison, cettung their cell's bars with a hack saw.

21/11: Night event of economic support at Delta squat, Thessaloniki, with video-projections and live concert with "Intibah".

21/11: The "Assembly for prisoner solidarity" in Ioannina calls "all citizens, associations and institutions" in a march to Ioannina prisons.

21/11: Chios island, the local prisoner solidarity committe circulates a report of the prison guards asking for the tranfer of the prison doctor (the one that had denounced the conditions in a local newspaper earlier), because after they (the prison guards) beaten up a prisoner causing him head injuries, the prison doctor dared to ask the prisoner who beated him so brutally. According to the prison guards "she should mind her own business".

21/11: Trash h/c benefit gig at the self-managed infoshop of Kavala, hosted by Accion Mutante, in support of the prisoners struggle.

21/11: Solidarity night at Evaggelismos squat, Heraklion, Crete. Projection of the film "I hate sun that rises for everyone". More at http://katalipsievagelismou.blogspot.com/

21/11: Following a rather typical tactic, the Communist Party through its newspaper and a "Democratic Coalition" it has formed on legal issues, asks for prison reforms by the time of the cease of the prisoners mobilizations, blaming the ruling party and the opposition for the current situation. It also asks for obligatory basic education for prisoners and free access to prisons for social and scientific institutions and political party representatives...

22/11: Solidarity motorbike-mobile concert (artists on a van playing music)-demo to the prisons of Diavata, Thessaloniki, after an initiative of relatives of some prisoners affiliated with the "Common action for prisoners rights". The event is cancelled due to bad weather conditions.

22/11: Fundraiser DIY hip-hop "Until we break da chains" party at the polytechnic university, Athens.

22/11: Assembly on the prisoners struggle in Greece, and "classic punk" night at "To fanari tou Diogeni" squat in Cyprus (http://www.squatofcyprus.blogspot.com/).

22/11: Solidarity demo and microphonics in Mytilini, Lesvos island.

22/11: 280 walk to Ioannina prisons, in a march called by the (leftist) "Prisoner Solidarity Assembly" and a prisoner solidarity assembly of local anarchists and autonomists.

22/11: "A sign of solidarity to the thousands of hungerstrikers in the dungeons of democracy" was according to an unknown person's phone call to "Eleftherotipia" newspaper the incendiary attach a few minutes after 11:30 in the night of Tuesday, wrecking a Millenium bank branch, on 25 Pentelis Avenue, Halandri. "We encourage the justice minister and the prison guards not to mess around with fire. Victory to the prisoners struggle untill the destruction of every last prison.

24/11: Open speak on prisons, prison conditions and the prisoners struggle, by the "Alterative Lawers Initiative" in Thessaloniki, where a member of the "national prisoners committee" V. Pallis will speak through phone.

25/11: The "Common action for prisoners rights" calls at a demo outside the justice ministry during some affiliated with them prisoner relatives meet with the minister inside.

25/11: Ioannis Kamberis, 38 year old prisoner in Corfu, is found dead in his cell during his 17 year sentence for some thefts. According to the guards, by heroine. Another one, 24 years old, was found in a comma, and transfered to the hospital. He is better now.

26/11: Demonstration of the "Common Action for prisoners solidarity", with some 500 persons.

26/11: Justice minister adds a paragraph enabling for dismissal any prisoners over 80 years old with mental diseases. According to the opposition, this "photographs" the only over 80 y.o. prisoner who happens to be D. Ioannidis, imprisoned for his leading role in the military junta of 1967-74 since 1974...

26/11: The minister of justice, during a tv interview mentions we should also think of other ways to let more persons out of prison, such as micro-chip implants...

26/11: The government committe accepts the justice minister's plans, and "3.800 prisoners are expected to have christmas at home with their families".

26/11: Solidarity intervention with flyers and banners outside the Greek embassy of Hage, in Holland. (Photos: http://athens.indymedia.org/front.php3?lang=el&article_id=929809)

27/11: A bulgarian prisoner is found dead in Chios prisons. He was transfered to a hospital a few days earlier with a chest ache, but returned back to prison the same day. Chios prison authorities have banned any communication with prisoners, for any committe from outside, including even lawyers association, NGOs and political parties.

27/11: Demonstration at Neptunplatz, Köln, Germany, in solidarity to the prisoners struggle in Greece. This same initiative organizing the demo, also announces a demo to the local prisons on new year's eve, a gathering at the city's central station on December 1, in solidarity to the prisoner's collective hungerstrike in Italy that begins then, and other events and radio shows during December. (photos: http://anarcores.blogspot.com/2008/12/blog-post.html)
28/11: Live talk with anarchist and other prisoners at 98fm pirate radio station.

29/11: Two interventions in Veria, outside the technical school and at the open street market, by the local group "Shinovatis" (sxinovati(at)yahoo.com)

1/12: "Eleftherotipia" newspaper reports another death in Chios prison, of a 53 year old Belarussian this time, according to the prison authorities due to heart disease. Unrest among prisoners.

1/12: Former military regime leading member D. Ioannidis ask with a letter to the minister of justice to be included in the prisoners to be discharged.

1/12: A 32 year old suicides while under custody, inside Alexandria police station, near Thessaloniki.

1/12: Anarchist weekend in Florina, including posters, videos and info material on the prisoners struggle, by local anarchist students.

4/12: Manager of Diavata prisons gets beaten up during a speach in Law school of Aristotle university Thessaloniki, and transfered to hospital!

4/12: Anarchist event on prisons in Alexandroupoli.

Struggle continues!

Keep in mind: Across the world, prisoners fight their incarceration, by all means.

Across Italian prisons, a collective hunger strike has started since 1/12, initiated by life-prisoners against life sentence (currently 26 years in Italy).

In Germany as well, self-organized prisoner struggles have infested German prisons with unrest. Learn more: http://news.infoshop.org/article.php?story=20081201123441564&mode=print

In the UK, the absence of any collective action has given way to prisoners violence towards themselves, with drug use, suicides and conscious self-harm raising.

In North America, several cases of fights among prisoners, have turned to prison riots during the last months.

Keep warm!

Brief van Giorgos Voutsis-Vogiatzis

(μια μετάφραση του γράμματος του Γιώργου Βούτση-Βογιατζή στα φλαμανδικά, δημοσιευμένη στο http://ovl.indymedia.org/news/2007/12/21236.php)

Brief van Giorgos Voutsis-Vogiatzis vanuit de gevangenis van Korydallos Nu ze allemaal hun bek houden, laat ons praten over keuzes.

“... Velen van ons zijn gestorven of werden gevangen genomen; vele anderen raakten gewond en konden niet meer ageren, sommigen vergleden zelfs naar de achtergrond omwille van hun gebrek aan moed, maar ik denk dat ik kan zeggen dat onze ontwikkeling als geheel nooit happerde wanneer ze zich stortte op de kern van de vernietiging.”

De moderne instellingen van repressie en uitbuiting aanvallen vraagt – eerst en vooral – de weigering van de massaproductie van bewustzijn die deze wereld baart. Autoriteit staat niet langer voor een gepriviligeerde administratietechniek die door het net van een elitaire minderheid geweven zit. Autoriteit is een geperverteerde sociale verhouding die in elk aspect van het leven tot uiting komt. De mutatie van het sociale antagonisme heeft onvermijdelijk de noodzaak voor een herstructurering en sofisticatie van de oude vormen van repressie geschapen. Dit proces valt noch de lucht, noch werd het eenvoudigweg opgelegd door fysieke drang. Sociale verhoudingen kregen doorheen de decennia binnen de sociale fabriek vorm en hebben vele eigen kernwoorden. Integratie, ‘moraliteit’, homogeniteit, ‘burgerzin’.

Zo brachten de bazen de managers en hun opzichters voort, de moderne klasse om de kloof te overbruggen die evengoed verklaard syndicalist als gehoorzame werker noemt die, na – eindelijk – de ketenen van de massaproductie te hebben gebroken, nu in staat is om zijn eigen handboeien te hebben. Ze hebben vrijwilligers gemaakt om de visie van een ‘Groot Griekenland’ leven in te blazen. Onbetaalde gehoorzame mensen die hun vrijwillige onderdanigheid “teruggeven aan de maatschappij” noemen. Sociale groepen die werken voor het behoud van de bestaande repressie en uitbuiting die nu de rol van schokvangers spelen waarbij ze hun bijdrage leveren aan de globale aanval van de bazen. Organisaties (zoals bijvoorbeeld de NGO’s) die geschapen werden vanuit de nood van de democratie aan een humanitair imago. Gebaseerd op geweldloosheid en liefdadigheid zijn ze druk bezig de begraafplaatsen klaar te maken voor de doden van morgen op hun democratische slagvelden.

Ze onderhouden de moderne werkkampen in de derdewereldlanden. Fabrieken van ellende, waar de slaven van de economie de glazen ruit van de Westerse beschaving maken en de instemming van het moderne schizo-proletariaat bewerken door haar klassebewustzijn om te vormen tot consumentenbewustzijn. De ‘burgers’, de gewapende helden van de Griekse democratie zijn een moderne uitdrukking van wet en orde. Ze nemen actief deel aan vrijwilligerswerk voor beveiligingsprojecten, ze tippen de politie over verdachte figuren en vallen zelfs zelf delinquenten aan. Daarna krijgen ze een kleine beloning van de flikken voor hun verdiensten en voelen ze zich trots. De vraag naar veiligheid is niet langer een opgelegde gemeenplaats, het is een sociaal instinct. Een geperverteerde gemilitariseerde vraag naar een genadeloze verdediging van eigendom. De flikken zijn niet de enigen met uniformen. Ook de moraliteit van deze wereld draagt een uniform en heeft zich met kracht aan de zijde van de bazen geschaard.

Op 3 oktober 2007 heb ik de ETE (Ethniki) Bank in de Gyzi straat beroofd. Toen ik terug naar buiten kwam, ongeveer anderhalve minuut na de overval en terwijl ik op m’n fiets zat, merkte ik een voorbijganger op die de Ragkavi straat overstak. Hij was niet ver van mij, een straat parallel aan waar ik me bevond. Hij begaf zich in mijn richting. Na een kort gesprek en terwijl ik nog steeds op m’n fiets zat, werd deze voorbijganger plots een ‘held’. Hij trapte tegen mijn fiets waardoor ik botste met een voorbijrijdende wagen. Ik viel van de fiets, op het voetpad. Vanaf dan loeiden overal om me heen de alarmen...

Mijn keuze om een bank te overvallen is een punt in mijn weg naar negatie. Guerilla-aanvallen tegen de rijkdom van de vijand door onteigeningsdaden houden een blijvende keuze tot aanval in zich, die historisch gezien coherent is met de geschiedenis van de negatie. Coherentie moet met een militaire stap bewegen tussen denken en handelen. Relschoppers, overvallers, brandstichters,... allen zijn detonators die dezelfde oorlog ontsteken. De negatie van werk is een gedeeltelijke negatie vgan de economie en haar wereld. Loonarbeid is een vervreemd proces dat ongelijkheden voortbrengt, gebaseerd op de uitbuiting van de ene door de andere. Het is de commercialisering van de natuurlijke menselijke drang tot creatie, het is de integratie van deze drang in de sociale fabriek van vervreemde relaties. Vervreemd werk heeft haar eigen ethiek van onderwerping. Legaliteit, het bazen-model, carrière. Waar werk je? Hoeveel verdien je? Wanneer heb je vrij? Vragen om de sociale status van de bevraagde te onderzoeken. Vervreemd werk beheert en organiseert dook de vrije tijd, die evengoed gemodificeerd is door de werkstatus die haar tot slaaf maakt (weekend, vakantiedagen, vrije dagen). Eigenlijk bepaalt werk ons hele bestaan. Ons dagelijkse gesprek... hoe was op het werk? Wanneer wordt je uitbetaald? Ons gemoed... ik ben doodmoe vandaag, ik heb in niets zin, ik moet morgen vroeg opstaan. Uiteindelijk zien we de hoe duidelijk de diepe betekenis van tijd is voor de wereld van werk en de noden van de economie. De immateriële dimensie van tijd krijgt een materiële uitdrukking die gemodificeerd wordt door het uurrooster van onze dagelijkse gevangenschap. Een economisch mechanisme van gevangenschap overvallen is niet de enige keuze om de negatie van werk te verwezenlijken. Maar zelfs aanvallen tegen economische doelwitten zijn een radicale suggestie van van organisatie en strijd, die een voorzet geeft voor het project van de vernietiging van werk.

Ik wil het opnieuw zeggen: de negatie van werk is een gedeeltelijke negatie van de economie en haar wereld. Bijvoorbeeld: de onteigening van koopwaar (uit boekenwinkels en supermarkten) is een soort negatie van de consumptie, maar geen totale aanval op de economie. Een bank overvallen is een manier tot negatie van werk, maar het is geen totale aanval op het kapitalisme. Als het doel al iets verantwoordt, dan is het zeker niet het middel, maar de keuzes die tot stand komen voor de actie. De middelen volgen op de beslissing om te handelen. Ze staan in een dialectische verhouding tot het project. Ze krijgen erbinnen gestalte, maar vormen het niet.

Mijn beslissing om de ETE Bank in Gyzi te overvallen is geen rancuneuze, onvoorziene poging gebaseerd op de wapens die ik bezat, maar een punt in mijn weg naar de totale negatie van deze wereld. Een weg zonder eindbestemming, maar met vele intermediaire kruispunten, even talrijk als de wapens die een revolutionair in zijn arsenaal heeft. Dus, als er iets is dat we moeten terugpakken, dan is het wel individueel bewustzijn. Anders is alles dat collectief is en gebaseerd is op massa,gedoemd om de simultane nederlaag van ons bewustzijn te reproduceren, en dat zullen de nieuwe verslagen massa’s van ons tijdperk worden.

De vijandelijkheden gaan door.

Giorgos Voutsis-Vogiatsis

In de plaats van een PS: De identiteit van een persoon is niet bepaald door zijn voornaam, maar door zijn manier van doen en door zijn eigen keuzes. We weten echter dat wanneer de camera’s kapotgeslagen worden en de informanten van de leugen genadeloos in elkaar geslagen worden, dan begint er een klokje te tikken die een omgekeerde realiteit meet. Diegenen die mijn ‘persoonlijke gegevens’ door het slijk gehaald en geplunderd hebben, zullen mij spoedig tegenover zich vinden. Bij elke solidariteitsacties wil ik dat alle vermeldingen van naam al mijn voornamen bevatten.

Lettera di Giorgos Voutsis-Vogiatzis

(μια μετάφραση του γράμματος του Γιώργου στα ιταλικά)

Giorgos Voutsis-Vogiatzis è stato arrestato in seguito ad una rapina ad una banca ad Atene, Grecia, nell’Ottobre 2007

Ora che hanno tutti chiuso le loro bocche, parliamo di scelte.

“...Molti di noi sono morti o sono stati fatti prigionieri lungo la strada; molti altri sono stati feriti e permanentemente tagliati fuori dall’azione; e certi elementi si sono anche lasciati scivolare sullo sfondo a causa della loro mancanza di coraggio; ma io credo di poter dire che la nostra formazione nell’insieme non abbia mai vacillato fino a che si è tuffata nel cuore della distruzione.”

Per attaccare le moderne istituzioni di represione e sfruttamento, occorre -prima di tutto- rifiutare la produzione di massa delle coscienze a cui questo mondo da origine. Autorità non vuol dire più una tecnica di amministrazione privileggiata, imbrigliata saldamente nella rete di un’elite di minoranza. È un rapporto sociale diffuso che trova la sua espressione in ogni aspetto della vita di ogni giorno. La trasformazione dell’antagonismo sociale ha inevitabilmente creato la necessità della rifabbricazione e sofisticazione dei vecchi termini della repressione. Questo processo non è venuto fuori dal cielo, né è stato semplicemente forzato tramite la violenza fisica. Le relazioni sociali sono state modellate nel corso dei decenni trascorsi all’interno della fabbrica sociale; sono pregne di parole chiave proprie. Integrazione, “moralità”, omogeneità, “giusto senso civico”. Questo è il modo in cui i capi hanno confezionato i direttori e i loro supervisori, la moderna classe per colmare le lacune, i quali sono stati nominati sindacalisti, così come, sicuramente, l’obbediente lavoratore che, avendo -finalmente- rotto le catene della produzione di massa, può ora permettersimanette proprie. Hanno creato volontari per erigere la visione della “Grande Grecia”. Persone sottomesse non pagate che hanno nominato la loro servitù volontaria “restituendo alla società”. Gruppi sociali che, lavorando per il mantenimento della repressione e dello sfruttamento esistenti, fanno il ruolo degli assorbitori d’urto contribuendo all’assalto globale dei governanti.

Organizzazioni create dal bisogno della democrazia di mostrare un’immagine pubblica umanitaria. Basate sulla non violenza e sulla carità, stanno alacremente preparando i cimiteri per i caduti di domani sui loro campi di battaglia della democrazia. Queste mantengono i moderni campi di lavoro nei paesi del terzo mondo. Fabbriche di miseria, dove gli schiavi dell’economia costruiscono le finestre di vetro della civilizzazione occidentale, così come il consenso del moderno schizo-proletariato, trasformando la sua coscienza di classe nella coscienza consumistica.

I “cittadini giusti”, gli eroi armati della democrazia greca costituiscono la moderna espressione della legge e dell’ordine. Questi partecipano attivamente con il lavoro volontario nei progetti di sicurezza, informano la polizia sulle figure sospette e attaccano anche loro stessi i delinquenti. Ottengono le loro piccole ricompense dalla polizia per le loro gesta e si sentono orgogliosi. L’esigenza di sicurezza non è più una convenzione imposta. È un istinto sociale. Una diffusa richiesta militarizzata per la spietata difesa della proprietà. I poliziotti non sono solo quelli con l’uniforme. Anche la moralità di questo mondo indossa un’uniforme, esi è arruolata con vigore dalla parte dei capi.

Il 3/10/2007 ho rapinato la banca ETE in via Gyzi. Durante la mia fuga, circa un minuto e mezzo dopo la rapina e una volta in sella alla mia bicicletta, ho notato un passante attraversare via Ragkavi non lontano da dove ero io (una strada parallela a quella dove ero),il quale si dirigeva verso di me. Dopo un breve dialogo e mentre ero ancora sulla mia bici, questo passante si è trasformato in un “eroe” e ha dato un calcio alla mia bicicletta provocandone lo scontro con un’auto che passava e la mia caduta sul selciato. Da quel momento in avanti gli allarmi delle sirene stavano esplodendo tutti intorno a me...

La mia scelta di rapinare una banca costituisce una tappa nel mio percorso verso la negazione. Attacchi di guerriglia alle ricchezze del nemico tramite azioni di espropriazione affermano una costante scelta di attacco, storicamente coerente con la storia della negazione. La coerenza si deve muovere con un passo militare tra il pensare e l’agire. Rivoltosi, rapinatori, incendiari, sono tutti detonatori per far esplodere la stessa guerra. La negazione del lavoro è una parziale negazione dell’economia e del suo mondo. Il lavoro salasiato è un processo alienato che produce disuguaglianze, basato sullo sfruttamento di qualcuno da parte di qualcun altro. È la commercializzazione del naturale impulso dell’umanità per la creazione e la sua integrazione nella fabbrica sociale di relazioni alienate. Il lavoro alienato ha la sua etica di sottomissione. La legalità, il modello del capo, la carriera.
Dove lavori? Quanto guadagni? Quando hai un giorno di riposo? Domande per informarsi sul ceto sociale del soggetto. Il lavoro alienato amministra e organizza anche il tempo libero, che è ugualmente modificato secondo lo status del lavoro che lo assoggetta (weekend, vacanze, giorni di riposo). In realtà il lavoro alienato definisce l’intera nostra esistenza. Le nostre chichiere di ogni giorno: come è andata al lavoro? Quando prendi lo stipendio? Il nostro stato d’animo: sono stanco morto oggi, non sono in vena di fare nulla, mi devo svegliare presto domattina. Possiamo dunque vedere come il significato profondo di temposia in gran parte modellato sul mondo del lavoro e sui bisogni dell’economia. La dimenzione immateriale del tempo assume un’espressione materiale modificata dalle tabelle della nostra schiavitù quotidiana. Rapinare un meccanismo economico di schiavitù non è l’unica scelta per realizzare la negazione del lavoro. Ma anche gli attacchi contro obiettivi economici costituiscono una proposta radicale di organizzazione e lotta che dia una spinta iniziale per la distruzione del lavoro.

Lo dirò di nuovo: la negazione del lavoro costituisce una parziale negazione dell’economia e del suo mondo. Per esempio: l’espropriazione di merci (dalle librerie, dai supermercati) costituisce un tipo di negazione del consumo, sebbene non un attacco totale all’economia. Rapinare una banca è un modo di negare il lavoro, ma non è un attacco totale al capitalismo. Se il fine giustifica qualche cosa, questa non risiede nel mezzo, ma nelle scelte sviluppate per l’azione. Il mezzo è una conseguenza della decisione di agire. Essi sono dialetticamente connessi al progetto. Sono formati in esso, ma non lo formano. La mia decisione di rapinare la banca ETE a Gyzi non è stata una vendicativa, fortuita operazione basata sulle armi che possedevo, ma una tappa mel mio percorso verso una totale negazione di questo mondo. Un percorso senza alcuna destinazione finale, ma con molte tappe intermedie. Tante quante le pistole che un rivoluzionario possiede nel suo arsenale. Così se c’è qualcosa che abbiamo bisogno di riprendere, è la coscenza personale. Oppure, ogni cosa massificata e collettiva è destinata a riprodurre la simultanea sconfitta della nostra coscenza, che si trasformerà nelle nuove masse sconfitte della nostra era.

Le ostilità continuano.

Giorgos

Invece di un P.S.: l’identità di una persona non è definita dal suo cognome,ma dal percorso e dalle scelte che le sono proprie. Sappiamo comunque che quando le telecamere vengono distrutte e gli informatori di bugie vengono picchiati senza pietà un timer comincia a ticchettare, misurando una realtà rovesciata. Questi che hanno calunniato e depredato i miei “dati personali” presto mi avranno di fronte. In ogni azione di solidarietà, desidero che sia menzionato per intero il mio nome includendo entrambi i miei cognomi.

http://www.informa-azione.info/lettera_di_giorgos_voutsis_vogiatzis

[επίσης, ανέβηκαν μεταφράσεις στα σερβοκροατικά του γράμματος των προφυλακισμένων αναρχικών Τσουραπά-Κοντορεβυθάκη, και του εισαγωγικού κειμένου για τη δίωξή τους στο http://www.geocities.com/anarcores/faliro3]

Giorgos Voutsis-Vogiatzis: Pismo iz zatvora

[a translation of Giorgos' prison letter in serbo-croat, as published in (many thanks to) http://www.inventati.org/anarhizam/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=3075&Itemid=1]

Giorgos Voutsis-Vogiatzis: Pismo iz zatvora

Sada kada su svi umukli, hajde da govorimo o izboru

"...Mnogi od nas su ubijeni ili smo odvedeni u zatvor; mnogi drugi su ranjeni i izbačeni iz akcije; određeni elementi se čak prepuštaju svom uzmicanju zbog nedostatka hrabrosti; ali verujem da mogu reći da se naša formacija u celosti nije nikada zatalasala sve dok nije zaronila u samo srce destrukcije."

Za napad na moderne institucije represije i eksploatacije, zahteva se – pre svega – odbijanje masovne proizvodnje svesti da ovaj svet daje radjanje (gives birth to). Vlast više ne drži toliko do privilegovane tehnike administracije gde se vlast koncentriše u rukama manjinske elite. Vlast je danas prožimana društvenim odnosima koji nalaze svoj odraz u svakom aspektu svakodnevnice. Transmutacija društvenih antagonizama je nevidljivo stvorila neophodnost za refabrikaciju i sofistikaciju starih naziva represije. Ovaj proces nije istupio iz plavog, niti je prosto zaveden fizičkim nasiljem. Društveni odnosi su uobličeni tokom decenija potrošenih u društvenoj fabrici; imaju gomilu svojih ličnih ključnih reči. Integracija, ”moralnost”, homogenost, ”valjano državljanstvo”. To je način kako su bosovi proizveli menadžere i njihove supervizore, modernu klasu koja premošćava jaz između sindikalista i poslušnih radnika, koji su slomljeni i koji su lanac masovne proizvodnje i koji sada mogu da imaju svoje sopstvene valjane lisice na rukama. Stvorili su volontere da ožive viziju ”Velike Grčke”. Neplaćeni pokorni ljudi koji svoju volontersku službu nazivaju ”davanje natrag društvu”. Socijalne grupe koje rade za održavanje postojeće represije i eksploatacije koje igraju ulogu šok absorbera, daju svoj doprinos globalnom napadu vladajuće klase.

Organizacije (kao što su NVO) proiznikle iz postojeće demokratske potrebe da stvore javnu sliku humanosti kapitalizma. Zasnovani na nenasilju i milosrđu oni vredno pripremaju groblje za sutrašnju nesreću njihovog bojnog polja demokratije. Oni održavaju moderne radne kampove u zemljama trećeg sveta. Fabrike mizerije, gde robovi ekonomije grade stakleni prozor zapadne civilizacije, a takođe i saglasnost modernog šizo-proletarijata, pretvarajući njihovu klasnu svest u konzumersku svest.

»Valjani građanin«, naoružani heroj grčke demokratije stvara moderni izraz pravde i zakona. Oni učestvuju aktivno u volonterskom radu u sigurnosnim projektima, informišu pandure o sumnjivim osobama a čak i sami napadaju delikvente. Dobijaju svoje male nagrade od panduracije za njihovo delo i osećaju se ponosno. Zahtev za sigurnošću više nije nametnuta konvencija. To je socijalni instinkt. Jako militarizovan zahtev za nemilosrdnu zaštitu imovine. Panduri nisu jedini u uniformi. Svetska moralnost je takođe obavijena uniformom i koristi se za potrebe bosova.

3-10-2007 sam opljačkao banku ETE (Ethniki) u Gyzi ulici. Kada sam izlazio, oko minut i po nakon pljačke i kada sam krenuo da bežim biciklom, primetio sam prolaznika kako prelazi Ragkavi ulicu nedaleko od mene (ulica paralelno sa ovom gde sam ja bio) i kretao se pravo ka meni. nakon kraćeg dijaloga, dok sam još bio na bicikli, ovaj prolaznik se preokrenuo u ”heroja” i udario je moj bicikl što je dovelo do toga da se sudarim sa prolazećim autom. Tako sam završio na zemlji i onda su već sirene bile svuda oko mene.

Moj izbor da opljačkam banku je u stvari moj način negiranja postojećeg sistema. Gerila napadi na blagostanje neprijatelja akcijama eksproprijacije potvrđuje perpetirani izbor napada, i pripada delu istorije negiranja sistema. Čvrstina se mora pomerati vojnim koracima između razmišljanja i akcije. Demonstranti, pljačkaši, osobe koje podmeću vatru, oni su svi detonatori koji pokreću isti rat. Odbijanje rada je delom odbijanje ekonomije i njenog sveta. Nadničarenje je otuđen proces koji proizvodi ekonomsku neravnopravnost, koja se zasniva na eksploataciji jednih nad drugima. To je komercijalizacija prirodne ljudske potrebe za stvaranjem i njene integracije u socijalnu fabriku otuženih odnosa. Otuđen rad ima svoju sopstvenu etiku i odanost. legalnost, model šefa i karijera.

Gde radiš? Koliko zarađuješ? Kada dobijaš slobodne dane? Pitanja koja istražuju subjektov socijalni status. Otuđeni rad rukovodi i organizuje i vreme za odmaranje koje je pod uticajem radnog statusa kojem se dakle to vreme podređuje (vikend, odmor, slobodni dani). U stvarnosti, otuđeni rad definiše naše celo postojanje. Naše svakodnevne razgovore: Kako je bilo na poslu? Kada će plata? Naše raspoloženje: Danas sam mrtav umoran, nisam raspoložen nizašta, moram sutra da ustanem rano.Tako možemo videti koliko je duboko smisao vremena podređen svetu rada i potrebama ekonomije. Nematerijalna dimenzija vremena prelazi u materijalan izraz modifikovano rasporedom našeg svakodnevnog ropstva. Pljačkanje jednog ekonomskog mehanizma ropstva nije jedini izbor za realizaciju odbijanja rada. Ali čak i napadi protiv ekonomskih ciljeva predstavljaju radikalnu najavu organizovanja i borbe, koji započinju projekat za uništenje rada.

Ponoviću ponovo: odbijanje rada predstavlja delimično odbijanje ekonomije i njenog sveta. Na primer: eksproprijacija robe (iz knjižara, supermarketa) predstavlja jednu vrstu odbijanja konzumeracije, iako to nije totalni napad na ekonomiju. Pljačkanje banke je jedan od načina da se odbije rad, ali to nije totalni napad na kapitalizam. Ako se na kraju nešto opravdava, to nije smisao već razvijanje izbora za akciju. Smisao sledi odluku da se deluje. Oni su dijalektički povezani sa projektom. Oni drmaju unutar sistema, ali ne drmaju ceo sistem. Moja odluka da opljačkam ETE banku nije bila osvetnički, slučajan pokušaj zasnovan na tome da sam posedovao oružje već korak na mom putu da totalno odbijem ovaj svet. To je put bez krajnje destinacije i sa mnogo srednjih/zaustavnih tačaka. Mnogi revolucionari poseduju pištolj u svom arsenalu. Tako da ako nešto treba da povratimo, to je lična svest. Ili još, sve što stvara masovnu i kolektivnu svest je osuđeno da reprodukuje pobedu naše svesti, koja će se preokrenuti u nove pobedničke mase naše ere.

Neprijateljstva se nastavljaju.

Giorgos Voutsis-Vogiatzis

Umesto P.S.: Identitet osobe nije definisan porodičnim imenom ii nadimkom, već putem i izborom za koji se odlučio. Svi mi znamo da kada se kamere unište i informanti lažovi nemilosrdno prebiju, vreme počinje da kuca, odmeravanje okreće stvarnost. Oni koji su klevetali i zloupotrebili moje lične podatke će me uskoro naći ispred sebe. U bilo kojoj akciji solidarnosti, voleo bih da svi koji pomene moje ime uključe i oba moja prezimena.

[Neke akcije solidarnosti (Oktobar-Novembar 2007):
12 oktobar: napad paljenjem dve banke u Atini
13 oktobar: napad paljenjem kancelarije Ministra obrazovanja u Atini
16 oktobar: napad paljenjem protiv ETE banke u centru grada kao I napad paljenjem kancelarija vladajuće partije u jednoj četvrti Soluna
18 oktobar: napad paljenjem protiv ETE banke kao i napad paljenjem kancelarija vladajuće partije u drugom delu Soluna
5 novembar: Razbijeni prozori na filijale ETE banke, Eurobanke i Unije grčkih banaka u Atini]

Giorgos će biti zadržan do 18 meseci u Koridalos zatvoru pored Atine, dok se suđenje ne završi.

Giorgos Voutsis-Vogiatzis letter from Korydallos' Prison

[Photo: "The bank robs you legitimately and likes it", "Their wealth, our blood": Slogans spray painted outside a bank in Solonos Str, where anarchist Giannis Dimitrakis got arrested after an armed bank robbery, the same bank was burnt down by anarchists-antiautoritarians]

...

Giorgos Voutsis-Vogiatzis letter from Korydallos' Prison

Now that they've all shut their mouths, let's talk about choices

"...Many of us died or were taken prisoner along the way; many others were wounded and permanently put out of action; and certain elements even let themselves slip into the background because of their lack of courage; but I believe I can say that our formation as a whole never wavered until it plunged into the very core of destruction."

To attack the modern institutions of repression and exploitation, it takes -first of all- to refuse the mass production of consciences that this world gives birth to. Authority no more stands for a privileged technique of administration, held fast in the net of a minority elite. It is a pervasive social relationship that finds its expression in every aspect of every day life. The transmutation of social antagonism has inevitably created the necessity for the refabrication and the sophistication of the old terms of repression. This process did not appear out of the blue, nor was it simply forced by physical violence. Social relations have been shaped over the course of decades spent inside the social factory; they have plenty of their own keywords. Integration, “morality”, homogeneity, “proper citizenship”. That’s the way the bosses manufactured the managers and their supervisors, the modern class to bridge the gap that were named syndicalists as well as, of course, the obedient worker, who, having broken –at last- the chainsaws of mass production, is now able to afford his own proper handcuffs. They created volunteers to raise the vision of “Great Greece”. Unpaid submissive people who named their volontary servitute “giving back to society”. Social groups working for the maintenance of the existent repression and exploitation that now act the role of shock absorbers contributing to the global attack of the rulers.

Organisations (i.e. the N.G.O.s) created out of democracy's need to show a humanitarian public image. Based on non-violence and charity they are busily preparing the cemeteries for tomorrow's casualties on their battlefields of democracy. They maintain the modern work camps in the third-world countries. Factories of misery, where the slaves of economy build the glass window of western civilization, as well as the consent of the modern schizo-proletariat, transforming its class conscience into consumerist conscience.

The “proper citizens”, the armed heroes of the greek democracy constitute the modern expression of law and order. They participate actively in volunteer work in security projects, they inform the police on suspicious figures and even attack delinquents themselves. They get their little awards from the police for their achievements and feel proud. The demand for security is not an imposed convention anymore. It is a social instinct. A pervasive militarized demand for the merciless defence of property. The cops are not the only ones in uniforms. This world's morality wears a uniform too, and has enlisted with vigor on the side of the bosses.

On 3-10-2007 I robbed the ETE (Ethniki) bank on Gyzi Street. On my way out, about 1,5 minute after the robbery and once I got on my bicycle, I noticed a passerby crossing Ragkavi Street not far from where I was (a street parallel to the one I was on), who was heading towards me. After a short dialogue and while I was still on my bicycle, this passerby turned into a “hero” and kicked my bicycle resulting to its crashing with a passing car, and me falling down, on the pavement. From that point on alarm sirens were blasting all around me...

My choice to rob a bank constitutes a point in my way to negation. Guerilla attacks to the enemy’s wealth under by acts of expropriation uphold a perpetuous choice of attack, historically consistent to the history of negation. Consistency has to move with a military step between thinking and acting. Rioters, robbers, arsonists, they are all detonators to set off the same war. The negation of work is a partial negation of the economy and its world. Wage labour is an alienated process producing inequalities, based upon one’s exploitation by another. It is the commercialization of humanity's natural urge for creation and its integration in the social factory of alienated relations. Alienated work has its own ethics of submission. Legality, the boss-model, career.

Where do you work? How much do you earn? When do you get a day-off? Questions to inquire the subject’s social status. Alienated work manages and organizes also leisure/spare time, that is equally modified by the work status that enslaves it (weekend, holidays, days off). In reality, alienated work defines our whole existence. Our every day chat: How was work? When do you get paid? Our mood: I ‘m dead-tired today, not in a mood for anything, I have to wake up early in the morning. We can finally see how exactly the deep meaning of time is in great degree shaped upon the world of labor and the needs of the economy. The immaterial dimension of time takes on a material expression modified by the schedule of our every day captivity. Robbing an economic mechanism of captivity is not the only choice to realize negation to work. But even attacks against economic targets constitute a radical suggestion of organization and struggle, which jumpstarts the project for the destruction of work.

I will say it again: the negation of work constitutes a partial negation of economy and its world. For example: the expropriation of commodities (from bookstores, super markets) constitutes a kind of negation of consumption, though not a total attack on economy. Robbing a bank is a way of negating work, but is not a total attack on capitalism. If the end justify anything, it's not the means, but the choices developed for action. The means follow the decision to act. They are dialectically related to the project. They are shaped inside it, but don’t shape it. My decision to rob the ETE bank at Gyzi was not a vindictive, fortuitous attempt based on the weapons I possessed, but a point in my way to a total negation of this world. A way with no final destination, but with many intermediate points. Many as the guns a revolutionary possesses at his arsenal. So, if there is anything we need to take back, it is personal consciousness. Or else, everything mass-based and collective is doomed to reproduce the simultaneous defeat of our consciousness, that will turn into the new defeated masses of our era.

Hostilities continue.

Giorgos Voutsis-Vogiatzis

Instead of a P.S.: The identity of a person is not defined by its surname, but by the way and the choices that are of his own. We know however that when the cameras are smashed and the informants of the lie are beaten up mercilessly a timer begins ticking, measuring a reverse reality. Those that have slandered and pillaged my "personal data" will soon find me in front of them. In any action of solidarity, I wish all mentions of my name to include both my surnames.

[Some actions of solidarity (October-November 2007):

12 October: Arson attacks against two banks at Zografou (Athens)
13 October: Arson attack against the offices of the deputy minister of education (Athens)
16 October: Arson attack against an ETE bank in the city center and a rulling party office at Evosmos (Thessaloniki)
18 October: Arson attack against an ETE bank and a rulling party office at Nea Krini (Thessaloniki)
5 November: Broken glass windows and damages at the ETE bank in Exarchia, at Eurobank on Solonos Str., and at the Union of Greek Banks, on Massalias Str. (Athens)
Giorgos will be held for up to 18 months before jury in Korydallos' Prison, Athens.]

Translator's note: Thanks for all the help to J.M.L (http://situationist.gq.nu/), any mistakes are my fault: ...for the transmission of infectious rabies - December 2007